AFP via Getty ImagesIt began with a fear familiar to millions of young Indians: if the examinations that determine their future cannot be trusted, what can?
Weeks later, on Monday, tens of thousands of young men and women tried to march on India’s parliament. Police responded with tear gas and baton charges. Thousands more have returned to the streets in the days since.
The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), a youth-led movement born out of anger over repeated examination paper leaks, has quickly become India’s biggest student mobilisation in years.
It is demanding education reforms and the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. At its centre is activist Sonam Wangchuk, who says he lost 11kg (24lb) during a 26-day hunger strike in support of the movement. He ended his fast late on Thursday, but student leaders say the protests will continue until their demands are met.
History offers reasons for both caution and optimism.
Student movements have periodically transformed Indian politics. The Nav Nirman agitation in Gujarat helped trigger veteran socialist leader Jayaprakash Narayan’s movement against former prime minister Indira Gandhi in the 1970s. Others have erupted dramatically before fading away.
ReutersWhat makes the CJP unusual, however, is not simply its scale but the nature and breadth of its grievance.
Unlike many of the biggest protests against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government over the past decade – whether over citizenship, farm laws or other contentious policies – this movement is not fundamentally about ideology. Nor is it rooted in the interests of a single community or social group.
Instead, it questions whether the state can still guarantee fairness in the examination system that millions of young Indians see as their principal route to social mobility.
“The exam and education system cuts across caste, class and gender to quite a large degree,” Yamini Aiyar, Senior Visiting Fellow at Brown University, told the BBC. “The core constituency coming to these protests doesn’t represent a singular interest group.”
That breadth is also what makes the movement politically distinctive.
“This movement centres on administrative failure,” Rahul Verma, a fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, a Delhi-based think tank, told the BBC. “The state’s inability to conduct examinations fairly and prevent paper leaks makes it a very different kind of political challenge to the BJP.”
That difference, he argues, changes the politics. Unlike earlier protests rooted in ideology or policy, this one questions the BJP’s ability to govern. “They must recalibrate their strategy,” Verma says.
Many of those protesting, he adds, are not natural opponents of the BJP.
They are “aspirational young Indians and their parents who see these exams as a path to upward mobility”. Because the grievance is about governance rather than ideology, he argues, the BJP cannot easily rally its supporters or deploy the political counter-narratives that helped it confront earlier protest movements.
ReutersMonday’s demonstrations appeared to reinforce that assessment.
For the past two weeks, comparisons with the anti-corruption movement of 2011 had largely centred on the CJP’s impressive online reach, while sceptics questioned whether digital momentum could spill onto the streets. Monday’s turnout suggested it could.
Joyojit Pal, a professor at the University of Michigan who studies technology and society, says social media has become “a tinderbox waiting to explode with the next thing”, its speed and reach driven by emotion.
Long-simmering frustration over the state’s lack of accountability created the conditions for this “implosion”, he told the BBC, adding that the architecture of social media makes such eruptions likely to recur.
The question now is whether that online surge has become something more enduring.
“I think Monday’s gathering indicates this movement may have crossed a tipping point,” Verma says. Whether it grows from here, he adds, will depend largely on how the government responds.
For Aiyar, Monday’s protests revealed something equally significant. Student unions, Left groups and organisations such as the Bhim Army, a Dalit rights group, were present, but they were ultimately “outnumbered by an organic outpouring of students from all over the country”.
“That’s unique compared to any significant protest in India’s recent history,” she says.
Hindustan Times via Getty ImagesJust as significantly, Aiyar believes the movement has already outgrown the organisation that sparked it and Wangchuk’s hunger strike.
“The catalyst may have been the CJP,” she says, “but it became bigger than them.”
Students came not only because of the state’s handling of the protests, she argues, but because they wanted “a space and a site to express the deep frustration” they had been carrying for some time. “The memes, posters and slogans suggested grievances extending well beyond exam paper leaks.”
After initially leaving the response to ministers and party spokespersons, the ruling BJP party’s top leadership stepped in on Wednesday. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh accused the opposition of using students “as a political tool” while insisting the government remained committed to addressing their concerns through parliament.
Modi addressed the issue publicly for the first time on Thursday.
“Nothing is more important than the welfare and future of our youth,” he wrote on X, announcing fast-track courts to ensure “swift and stringent punishment” for those involved in paper leaks. “Those who try to harm the future of our youth will not be spared.”
Whether those assurances will be enough to defuse the protests remains uncertain.
Aiyar believes the movement has tapped into broader anxieties over a slowing economy, scarce jobs and a deepening sense that the future offers diminishing opportunities.
AFP via Getty Images“There is deep economic dissatisfaction and distress, which has translated into a lack of hope about the future,” Aiyar says. “This could reflect growing exhaustion with a government that has been in power for a long time. Its failure to deliver on the promises it built its reputation on may have reached a tipping point.”
For her, the protests are about far more than a single policy failure.
“The message from protesters is clear: we’re exhausted. We need a new kind of politics, a new political grammar – one rooted in ideas and focused on governance and delivery.”
Whether that frustration can be sustained as a political movement, however, is another question.
Political scientist Suhas Palshikar argues the Cockroach movement may simply provide an outlet for public anger before gradually losing steam, much like the farmers’ protests.
“Where will the Cockroach movement go? Perhaps nowhere – it will allow venting of frustration and taper off,” he wrote on X.
He also cautions against romanticising it as a Gen Z uprising.
“It would be a mistake to imagine a youth movement or a Gen Z movement – these are only convenient myths for commentators.” The movement’s “ideological and political character… is currently fluid”, he argues, with different political forces likely to seek influence over it.
What the protesters have undeniably shown, he says, is a willingness to confront the state.
“The young have shown their angst and their disgust. They have borne the brunt of the democratic government’s brutal police. They have also shown that only street action makes this regime… listen and talk.”
Whether that energy can endure, Palshikar argues, will depend on many factors, including state repression, media blackouts, leadership challenges and the difficulty of building a broad social coalition.
Economist Surajit Mazumdar of Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University also believes the movement already points to something much larger than examination paper leaks.
AFP via Getty Images“The current protest and the spontaneous response it has evoked is indicative of the widespread discontent of young people and students about the state of affairs in the country and in the education system which goes beyond the specific paper leak issue,” he told the BBC.
Compared with earlier student mobilisations, he argues, the current movement appears “broader and larger in scale”.
Mazumdar also rejects the idea that the protests are post-ideological. Like the farmers’ movement before them, he says they show that “the democratic spirit is still alive in Indian society”.
For Aiyar, that democratic impulse is already reshaping politics.
“People are seeking accountability for governance in sites that are non-electoral,” Aiyar says. “The split between electoral legitimacy and democratic accountability outside electoral space is the new phenomenon of politics in India.”
Whether that proves to be the defining legacy of the Cockroach Janta Party’s protests – or merely a passing moment of public anger – will become clear only with time.
